Infraestrutura urbana, serviços urbanos e equipamentos coletivos

This project examines Brazilian debates and projects of modernization during the Second Empire. To date, no such study has been undertaken; the majority of works that treat this subject center on European and North American influences, or on strictly economic components of modernization. By contrast, this project recovers an endogenous discourse, relying on government reports, government-sponsored journals, and manuscripts for a view of the "official" discourse on modernization, while letters to the editor, illustrations and advertisements, and caricatures provide insight into "public" responses. The first chapter locates and analyzes a Brazilian vocabulary of modernization; a key term was aperfeiçoar meaning "to improve or perfect." Aperfeiçoar conveyed an Enlightenment sensibility, and best captured the cautious approach of elite Brazilians towards modernization; they wanted the improvements of the modern age, but without the revolutionary consequences that often resulted from technological and social change. The challenges of building and improving the transportation network in the challenging topography and climatic conditions of this tropical nation comprise chapter two. On this topic, government officials and members of the public agreed: the deplorable state of transportation networks required immediate remedy. A discussion of the supporting technologies that developed, or failed to develop, around the transportation sector is included. Subsequent chapters examine efforts to develop native forest resources in support of domestic and international industrial production, and the parallel need to reform Brazilian agriculture. It was hoped that mechanized agricultural production would reduce the presence of slave laborers on plantations and farms in addition to ending slash-and-burn agriculture. This last practice was blamed for environmental and social problems, including the devaluation of land after its initial fertility was exhausted. An examination of Brazilian agricultural technology completes this chapter. The final chapter turns to the public sphere for responses to the arrival of Brazil's first railways, street trolleys, and factories. Conflicts between workers and passengers revealed social and class tensions. These interactions enliven the transformations then unfolding in Brazil, and offer a distinctly human voice to counter and complement more statistically derived economic analyses.

This thesis is based on my practicum I completed at the Physical Fitness Research Center of São Caetano do Sul. I sought to answer three questions: (1) What are the strategies and outcomes of international community-based interventions aimed at promoting physical activity in children and adolescents that have been implemented to date?; (2) What is Agita São Paulo's community-based model for partnering with organizations to promote physical activity in children and youth?; and (3) How has Agita leveraged the sociocultural influence of futebol and the hosting of mega sporting events such as the 2014 FIFA World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics to influence physical activity in children and youth? This project is descriptive in nature and included an extensive literature review and the administration of two semi-structured interviews and seven self-administered surveys to staff members (i.e. planners and coordinators) of the Agita São Paulo program (n=9). Interviews were transcribed and surveys were translated from Portuguese to English. Thematic content analysis was then employed to search for common and recurring themes. In addition, data were recorded from participants observations of daily operations and attendance at daily meetings held at the Agita São Paulo's research center. My observations were recorded and served as another source of data to verify my findings. Findings from my research indicate that the Agita program has been successful in large part due to its wide network of intersectoral (e.g. state secretariats and universities) and intrasectoral (e.g. service organizations such as the Rotary Club and Lions Club) partnerships. The Agita program uses an adaptable mobile management style (see Fig. 2) that allows the program to change its focus based on needs of a given community or region. For example, if intrapersonal factors have been successfully targeted, resources and efforts may be redirected to address components in the physical environment. Social marketing and non-paid media have contributed to the visibility and successful dissemination of Agita's messaging. The intervention program hosts two annual mega events to increase its visibility: Agita Galera and the walking parade to celebrate World Day for Physical Activity. Agita has marketing plans with World Cup and Olympics organizers in the form of cartoons and posters to be displayed publicly, t-shirts, and mega-events that will attempt to involve spectators and the local community to participate in physical activity and exercises. Unfortunately my research concluded before these events took place so I cannot speak with certainty that these proposed actions will even be implemented. At the start of my research, I believed that the spectacle of mega sporting events would induce some increase in physical activity of the population; however, my findings suggest otherwise. Across my key informant interviews, informants were skeptical that Brazil's hosting of the World Cup and the Olympics would bring about any positive changes related to physical activity among the general population. As a result, and serendipitously through my own personal experience living in São Paulo, I proposed that CELAFISCS turn to a more innovative use of social media (i.e. YouTube workout videos) to try and reach more of the general population. While the program has traditionally used print media such as sticker, flyers, posters, and cartoons, the Agita program has been underutilizing online social media sites. This method is cost-effective, has the potential to reach a wide range of people in the general population, and is not subject to the corruption of politicians that so many Brazilians have a disdain for. The key themes I identified in exploring the success and lessons learned of the Agita program included the pioneering efforts of Agita in placing physical activity on the public policy agenda; the dissemination of strong scientific evidence-based research; and the clear, simple messaging of Agita and leveraging of the unpaid media marketing to disseminate messaging through strategic partnerships. Ongoing challenges for Agita include and financial self-sustainability, program evaluation, and lack of domestic recognition for Agita's many achievements. Despite these obstacles, Agita continues to be a model for promoting physical activity in youth through community partnerships and social marketing across public schools, government entities, and sport clubs. Promising future directions for strengthening the Agita program include more proactive efforts in procuring partnerships and alternative funding opportunities as well as utilizing an established Internet presence to explore online social media networks to more creatively promote physical activity in the community.

Child welfare programs exist to protect children from maltreatment and abandonment by their families by providing services to children and their families to assure a nurturing family in which children can grow and develop. These programs reflect the values and concerns of society regarding family responsibility for children and the state's authority to intervene when a child is at risk. The central question addressed in the dissertation is: What are the variables one might most effectively manipulate to change child welfare programs so they can function more effectively and efficiently in communities, especially in developing countries? This comparative study of child welfare programs in Bahia and Sao Paulo in Brazil and in Pennsylvania in the United States examines the laws governing these programs, the policy environment, and policy implementation. The policy environment consists of community influences on these programs; including advocates, church groups, citizen volunteers, and the voluntary service sector; together with societal values which influence the kinds of programs established, and when and how government intervenes in families to protect children. Policy implementation deals with the service delivery system, including funding, performance monitoring of agency operations, service delivery to clients, program management, and roles of the levels of government in developing and sustaining programs. Socio-technical literature posits that technical systems may influence changes in the social system and thus plan their own futures. Variables in the social system hypothesized to be those on which change efforts should be focused are citizen participation with the program; relationship of the voluntary service sector to the public program; family expectations, especially those related to the family's obligation to care for its own members; and the level of national poverty. The latter two variables together greatly influence the child welfare program's direction in a state. Variables in the technical system hypothesized to be those on which change efforts should be focused are service delivery, funding, leadership, and performance monitoring. Variables in the technical system hypothesized to be those on which change efforts should be focused are service delivery, funding, leadership, and performance monitoring. The law serves as a bridge between the social and technical systems. The environment in each state must be assessed to determine if changes in the law would change the technical system.

O Elevado Presidente João Goulart/Parque Minhocão é uma via, construída em 1971 na cidade de São Paulo que atualmente desempenha atividade dupla: para além de um viaduto, também funciona como parque elevado. Sua história foi marcada por uma série de discussões e articulações sobre seu futuro, com possibilidades vinculadas à sua desativação definitiva para carros, transformação em parque urbano elevado - de forma definitiva ou parcial ou derrubada da estrutura (via desmonte ou demolição). Deste modo, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo principal identificar, descrever e analisar, numa perspectiva histórica, os usos e discursos associados ao turismo e lazer urbanos no Minhocão, tendo por referência a circulação de modelos urbanos. Para tanto, a metodologia selecionada utilizará das técnicas de pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, entrevistas semiestruturadas e observação não-estruturada. O referencial teórico estruturou-se a partir de três temas principais: mobilidades e circulação de modelos urbanos, planejamento estratégico e city marketing, turismo e lazer urbanos. Os resultados obtidos permitiram se concluir que os usuários do Minhocão são representados por um conjunto variado de atores turistas, visitantes e residentes, de maneira geral que apresentam a possibilidade de, enquanto usufruindo deste espaço, compartilharem de um olhar turístico. Ainda, sobre os discursos vinculados ao Minhocão, demonstrou-se que estes baseiam-se em duas diferentes visões desta estrutura, como oportunidade (em relação à sua transformação em parque elevado) ou como problema (que necessitaria de uma solução). A partir da noção de circulação de modelos urbanos, entende-se que a história do Minhocão foi marcada pela presença de influências urbanas, que podem se resumir em: modelos de vias expressas elevadas, de parques urbanos elevados ou de experiências de derrubadas de vias elevadas. O Minhocão se apresentou como um poderoso objeto de estudo para se compreender os desafiadores fenômenos urbanos atuais, suas estratégias e representações, a partir de novos sentidos concedidos aos espaços das cidades.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo a análise da dinâmica urbana da Região de Manguinhos, subúrbio da Leopoldina na Zona Norte do Rio de Janeiro, através dos diversos projetos e planejamentos urbanísticos elaborados não concluídos ou simplesmente abandonados ao longo do século XX, que fomentaram o surgimento de um lugar inacabado ao invés de um bairro formal dentro do tecido urbano carioca. Dentro de suas enormes potencialidades, percebidas a partir da década de 1920 como área livre e não-ocupada na orla da Baía de Guanabara junto ao perímetro urbano da Capital Federal, foi o lugar de ações de saneamento, industrialização, rodoviarismo e finalmente favelização. As ações, inconclusas, abriram caminho para a instalação do Instituto. Oswaldo Cruz, da construção da Avenida Brasil, da Refinaria de Manguinhos e de dois grandes complexos de favelas, a Maré e o de Manguinhos; e servindo como área de atuação de planos e projetos com o Bairro Industrial de Jorge Macedo Vieira em 1927, Agache em 1930, Avenidas Faria-Timbó e Guanabara nos anos 1950, Doxiaidis em 1960, PUB-RIO nos anos 1970, Projeto Rio em 1980 e finalmente as Linhas. Amarela e Vermelha nos anos 1990.

Esta dissertação trata de fazer uma leitura crítica dos programas Rio Cidade e Favela Bairro em sua primeira fase, empreendida pela prefeitura da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, na gestão 1993-1996. Estes programas, como principais instrumentos da política urbana, objetivam reverter um quadro diagnosticado pela prefeitura como desordem urbana e de dicotomia crescente entre o espaço legal (formado pelos bairros) e o espaço ilegal (constituído pelas favelas), caracterizando uma situação de crise urbana e, consequentemente, de degradação da cidade. A questão central desta dissertação é analisar a relação entre a política urbana e as crescentes desigualdades sociais no espaço urbano carioca, no contexto da reestruturação econômica urbana e da política neo-liberal. O fio condutor destas reflexões consiste na busca da intercessão entre o debate teórico/político sobre a reestruturação urbana e suas conseqüências, as desigualdades sociais, e a política de intervenção no espaço carioca, expressada nos programas Rio Cidade e Favela Bairro, objeto empírico da presente investigação.

This study used Hofstede's (1980) Value Survey Module to compare culture and Hackman and Oldham's (1980) intrinsic motivation six-item measure to compare motivation to work between hotel employees in Northeast and Southeast Brazil. The results of this study showed there are significant cultural differences between the two regions. These differences are correlated to motivation. Sub cultural differences found between Northeast and Southeast Brazil require that training contents and organizational culture differ between the regions since employees' values and needs and values are not the same. The correlation between culture and motivation suggests that cultural differences may be used by managers as a tool to motivate their employees. If employees value different things they are therefore motivated by different things as well, for values are the driving forces of action.

“‘I’ll Samba Someplace Else’” charts the interconnected histories of three São Paulo neighborhoods constructed as “Japanese” Liberdade, “Italian” Bexiga, and “Afro” Brasilândia over the middle of the twentieth century. Today a cosmopolitan, global metropolis, the city of São Paulo began its meteoric growth in the late nineteenth century with an influx of formerly-enslaved Afro-descendants and immigrants from Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. City planner-turned-mayor Francisco Prestes Maia (terms 1938-’45 and 1961-’65) ushered in a new phase of São Paulo’s development. Prestes Maia’s center-city redevelopment projects constructed new avenues, raised property values, and dislocated predominantly Afro-descendants from Liberdade and Bexiga, two of the city’s historic hubs of Afro-descendent settlement. Dislocated residents migrated to the city’s geographical margins, where they partnered with regional migrants in the construction of new neighborhoods like Brasilândia independent of official city planners. Despite the multiethnic resident populations of these neighborhoods, by the 1980s their racialized/ethnicized identities as “Japanese” Liberdade, “Italian” Bexiga, and “Afro” Brasilândia had become fixed in material space as well as popular and official discourse. Based on archival research, oral history, and historical geographic information systems, my research shows that neighborhoods marked with ethnoracial identities are produced contingently, despite ethnoracial diversity, and through an array of official and unofficial spatial practices. From the 1930s through the 1980s, official city planners (employed by the state or real estate firms) and informal planners (local residents) engaged in contested redevelopment projects that remade the built and natural environments of these three neighborhoods along with the ethnoracialized identities associated with them. Practices of demolition, naming places, and producing roadways dislocated Afro-descendent populations from city-center neighborhoods and razed spaces with significant historical and contemporary connections to enslavement, abolition, and black self-determination. Those same practices paved the way for the construction of two whitened, immigrant neighborhoods in Liberdade and Bexiga. The making of identity and neighborhood in Brazil’s most populous, ethnoracially-diverse city details how the attachment of race/ethnicity to place contributes to identity formation as well as the reproduction of spatial and ethnoracial inequities over time.