Administração e finanças públicas

Emerging from the citizen movements of the early 2010s, New Municipalism merges the administrative capacity of municipal government with the organizational capacities of activists and social movements to build more equal, just and ecological local economies. In these contexts, Digital Municipal Currencies (DMCs) emerge as potent instruments of counter-hegemonic struggle, enabling cities to implement welfare policies and local economic revitalization. However, a trans-local paradox inheres to New Municipalism: how to remain local yet advance broader systemic transformation? This study compares three DMCs in Rio de Janeiro, addressing the paradox by introducing the notion of ‘standardized malleability’. It describes how cities adopt a uniform monetary infrastructure while adapting policies to local contexts, thus balancing local adaptation with trans-local scalability. The study reveals how the temporal dynamics of multi-scalar transformation shape the adoption patterns of DMCs across municipalities – from radical pioneer experiences to more pragmatic implementations – demonstrating that system change occurs through ‘repeated instances’ regardless of ideological orientation. Findings reveal DMCs as promising instruments for urban governance, enabling progressive policies amid financial constraints. However, their long-term viability depends on stable funding sources, prompting discussions on evolving DMC designs to enhance sustainability and wider adoption. The article ends with a reinterpretation of what constitutes ‘the political’ in multi-scalar transformation processes, from ‘radicalism’ to a shift of the boundaries of what is considered possible and the creation of new democratic spaces for co-governance.

The literature on urban financialisation has prioritised the analysis of what finance does in the context of industrialised countries. This paper contributes to an understanding of what it is, and specifically how it emerges from the entanglements between the accumulation of intergovernmental debt, pricing and valuation practices – involving state and municipal utilities, regulatory agencies and consultancies – in the gradual transformation of shared into shareholder water governance in Brazilian metropolitan areas. Moreover, we provide a first illustration of how a more articulate approach between political economics and social studies of finance might contribute to an understanding of the making of urban financialisation, with a particular relevance for a context of less developed capital markets.

The ‘transfer’ of participatory budgeting from Brazil to Europe has been a highly differentiated process. In Porto Alegre, this innovative methodology enabled democratization and social justice to be articulated. In Europe, participatory budgeting relies on multiple procedures, and it is therefore necessary to give a clear methodological definition of it so that cases can be coherently compared and ideal-types constructed to understand the variety of concrete experiments. The six ideal-types we propose (Porto Alegre adapted for Europe; representation of organized interests; community funds at the local and city level; the public/private negotiating table; consultation on public finances; proximity participation) show striking differences that are highly influenced by existing participatory traditions. It is, above all, with the models Porto Alegre adapted for Europe and community funds that an ‘empowered participatory governance’ can develop and that a fourth power, beyond the three classical ones, is developing — that of the citizenry when it directly (or through delegates) assumes a decision-making power. However, other models have their strengths, too, for example with regard to the reform of public administration which is a critical aspect in the search for ‘another possible world’.

The following article identifies two different urban policy regimes in Latin America —neoliberal and socialist — and traces their origins to the distinct interests and capacities of local elites and activists in the region’s cities in the mid-to-late twentieth century. While agricultural and commercial interests paid a high price for the growth ofimport-substituting industrialization, and therefore deployed free trade zones (andsimilar institutions) in traditional export centers in the 1960s and 1970s, their industrialrivals bore the brunt of austerity and adjustment in the free market era, and therefore adopted compensatory measures designed to increase the ‘social wage’ in the 1980s and1990s. Examples are drawn from municipalities in Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Uruguay and Venezuela, and call the conventional portrait of impotent LatinAmerican cities — and omnipotent central governments — into question.

Brazilian cities have been the sites of significant experiments in participatory and deliberative governance. Participatory budgeting has to be singled out as one of the most important of these. After the landmark experience in Porto Alegre, participatory budgeting has been expanded to 170 Brazilian cities. Is the expansion of participatory budgeting equivalent to the expansion of the deliberative and distributive characteristics of the Porto Alegre experience? This article argues that the conditions that account for the emergence of participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre are unique to that city’s social or political characteristics. It focuses on the role of existing civil society associations in the emergence of participatory budgeting, as well as in its institutional format. It also shows that the presence of civic associations is linked to the deliberative and distributive results of participatory budgeting and that these conditions may not be present in other participatory budgeting experiences.

This essay explores the reasons for the reduced negative effects of the 2008 global financial crisis on Brazil and its cities by applying an analysis that connects these urban effects with the national dynamics. Despite substantial variation within the country, reduced impact can be credited to the response to the crisis by the current Lula administration and to features of the country’s urbanization process. First, universal redistributive social programmes, together with an enlarged domestic market, better insertion in the global economy, prudential regulation and a stable fiscal situation, have put the country in a comfortable position to react to the crisis by adopting countercyclical policies. Second, given the advanced urbanization in Brazil, social and active macroeconomic policies have produced decisive and specific effects on the urban fabric. Recent processes of in land urbanization have created new areas of regional and urban dynamics, thus the impact of the crisis on cities has not only been mild, affecting the most industrialized and internationally oriented metropolises hardest, but has also become an opportunity for strengthening urban areas through active macroeconomic and social policies and helping foster a more decentralized national urban network, thereby leading to stronger links between social inclusion and territorial cohesion.

The paper is based on quantitative evidence and case examples of city learning drawn from both developed and developing countries to explore selected questions raised in the literature on learning and competitiveness. Anecdotal and quantitative evidence suggest that a large shadow market for knowledge has already formed among cities around the world. Case observations reviewed here suggest that the best learners are deliberate and systematic, finding or creating new knowledge, converting it to use, and storing learning experiences that draw on collective memory. Acquired knowledge resides in two main forms: one is hard data, stored in documents, computers, or specialized units of government. Another is soft data stored in professional and social networks that link a wide array of actors in the community - not just staff in the city bureaucracy. The analysis leads to a number of propositions that deserve attention and testing: several kinds of learning systems can be observed, that the process of learning may be as important as the product in contributing to competitiveness, that policies can helpful to facilitate learning, and that a radical departure from customary policy, especially in donor institutions, may be needed to effectively meet requirements of institutional capacity building in cities of the developing world.

Popular participation consolidates one of the ways for the accountability, on the one hand from the State to the society, with the political responsibility of the managers, and on the other hand, to receive population demands. This beneficial dynamic provides social control, which can guarantee the efficiency of public policies. This control in the municipal sphere is latent since the provision of public services occurs, in practice, in the place where the citizens’ life is developed, i.e. in the city.The municipality, therefore, constitutes the form of political organization closest to the population, playing an indispensable role in the viability of the permanent process of participation in the regulation, oversight, and control over services and public goods of local interest.