Geografia

Slum identification and mapping are fundamental to support public policies. However, slum data is affected by differences in definition, identification, spatial delimitation, sample and data collection periods. This study compares slum maps in Sao Mateus (a peripheral region of Sao Paulo city) from the 2010 demographic census and the Sao Paulo municipal government. The census and the municipal basemaps and orthophotos were overlaid in a Geographic Information System (GIS) to evaluate their similarities and differences, the reasons for inconsistencies between them. Of the 68 districts with subnormal agglomerates (EDSAs; special enumeration districts for slum areas in the Brazilian demographic census), 59% are in the categories ‘high coincidence’ or ‘partial coincidence’ with the perimeters of favelas (the main type of slum in Brazil) delineated by the Sao Paulo municipal government; the names of the residential area (favela/EDSA) are the same in only 51.5% of the subnormal agglomerates, while 26.5% of the EDSAs include residential areas not considered favelas by the municipality. Many Brazilian researchers state that the underestimation of EDSA census data is accentuated by the exclusion of favelas smaller than 51 dwellings from the census. However, at least in Sao Mateus, the exclusion of small favelas (3.6%) was not the only reason for census underestimation of favelas.

Cities worldwide face the challenge of balancing densification and open space provision. However, few studies investigate how urban morphology influences that balance across different cities and continents. We identified eight urban morphological types characterizing high-density residential areas in São Paulo, Brasília (Brazil), and Berlin (Germany) and assessed those morphologies using seven indicators: population density, housing density, Floor Space Index (FSI), Ground Space Index (GSI), average building height, Open-Space Ratio (OSR), and average number of people per built area. Our findings from the Brazilian cities showed that intense verticalization does not automatically ensure open space and high density. Vertical morphologies showed the highest FSI values but not the highest housing densities, and had low to moderate OSR values, comparatively. Three morphologies found in Berlin (Contemporary, Half-Open and Edge) balanced housing density and OSR best (127–147 dwellings/ha, 0.5 to 0.8 OSR values, on average). Berlin’s Traditional type showed the best balance between FSI, GSI, average building height and OSR, with buildings ranging from 1 to 9 storeys. It also achieved the highest housing densities (188 dwellings/ha, on average), but at a cost of OSR. Those findings suggest that a compact city model with perimetral blocks (Half, Edge and Traditional types) could provide an optimum use of urban space, if open space provision is properly considered. We further discuss the advantages and implications of block-based urban planning and design (traditional in Berlin and other European cities) in contrast to plot-based (often observed in Latin American cities).

In the context of the complexities related to the expansion of the planet's urban areas and sustainability, the aim of this article is to analyze the Muepo/Riortas Project, an initiative developed between 1989 and 1996 by the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio) in partnership with the Brazilian National Agricultural Society (SNA) and Rio de Janeiro's Superintendency for the Environment. After conducting interviews with the coordinators and community leaders involved and analyzing technical reports produced by Rio's City Hall and PUC-Rio, the project's main lines of action were identified as the following: the political issues, sustainable soil productivity, range of vegetable species and economic viability of community allotments. The project addressed fundamental issues, such as the need for planning tools in order to guarantee the continuous production of a range of vegetable species over time and to maintain and expand the productive capacity of the soil through organic cultivation methods. The number of allotments established by the project was much lower than the 15 that were planned. Two units were opened during the period analyzed: the Allotment School and the Santa Cruz Community Allotment. Production at the Allotment School, located at the Wenceslau Bello School of Horticulture, involved the weekly harvest and sale of 250x2.5 kg vegetable bags for two years running. This was enough to guarantee the allotment's economic sustainability. The Santa Cruz Community Allotment, however, did not manage to achieve economic viability over the period analyzed. Technical issues associated with the planning and management of the soil were addressed well, but empowerment mechanisms and community involvement proved to be weak during the installation and maintenance of the allotment. In summary, the Muepo/Riortas Project has established new a paradigm for urban community allotments and should form the basis for any future multidisciplinary research seeking integrated solutions for the creation of more sustainable cities.

The main question concerns the ways in which knowledge management configurations (KM) within urban governance are being transformed through digitization and spatializing information (GIS). This question fits into broader discussions on how knowledge construction, circulation and utilization can improve competences in local government (efficiency and effectiveness), make urban planning more knowledge-based, and provide greater recognition of citizens’ knowledge (accountability). Local governments need such instruments in dealing with increasing complexity and uncertainty in urban development. We examine how uneven patterns of technological change in using ICT and GIS are transforming current local government work processes in terms of efficiency and effectiveness in their outcomes, utilizing empirical data from extended case studies in six medium-sized cities in India, South Africa, Brazil, and Peru, participating in the Chance2Sustain research network. Knowledge management in cities is configured through several dimensions: 1) discourses for digitizing KM in local urban development; 2) actor networks producing socio-spatial knowledge; 3) embedding KM in decision-making processes (power struggles, exclusion); and 4) influences of KM on work practices and interfaces with citizens. The case study results show that 1) KM discourses concerned four issues: strategic urban planning and integrated land use planning; determining geographic boundaries in urban development discourses; streamlining work processes of local governments, and mapping poverty and needs assessments; 2) initiatives mainly link government with the private sector at various scale levels; 3) codified and technical knowledge remains dominant in discussions on urban development; and 4) effects of KM are uneven, but improve work process efficiency, although the interface with citizens remains limited, focusing on middle-class relations to the exclusion of the poor.

Overcrowding in informal housing is a core problem in international development debates, whereby slum upgrading is viewed as a dominant policy to integrate formal and informal areas. Conceptually, challenges to socio-spatial integration are associated with unbalanced development processes of urban de- and re-densification beyond the housing level. However, a lack of empirical understanding of these processes limits the case for redistributive land use policies to complement slum upgrading. To address this gap, our study adopts an exploratory approach, applying GIS-based techniques to population census and open data on land use in São Paulo, Brazil, in order to analyze the distribution of population densities across residential built-up types in informal and informal areas, although there are constrains related to small-scale spatial data sources on urban density. This shows that informal settlements are indeed the densest residential built-up type in the city while revealing the underlying spatial inequality between informal settlements and low-rise, high-standard residential areas. We suggest that more emphasis be placed on the design and implementation of redistributive policies to avoid spatialized forms of inequality associated with uneven urban development. This will ensure the spatial and social integration of urban areas.

Water is not only a valuable substance, but is also valued in different ways dependent on substantive social, ecological, and historical conditions. The concept of water value positionality is introduced to describe the dynamic ensemble of meanings forged from cooperation and competition in the allocation, use, and conservation of water. Positionality helps us to understand water conflicts as individuals and groups struggling to legitimise their valuation of water. The explanatory function of positionality is demonstrated with an empirical case study in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro. Hegemonic positionality depicts water as an economic resource required for regional development and urban growth. This has been increasingly challenged by sectors of the state apparatus who call for the monetary valuation of water. Beyond these two perspectives, there exists a vast range of water values articulated by the local communities in their struggle for survival and political affirmation. The conclusion is that, in the process of constantly revaluing water, there are temporary 'positions of value' that last and change with sociocultural and politicoecological experiences.

The idea of a group of developing countries with shared characteristics, challenges, and needs, distinct from those of developed countries, has been central to sustainable development discourse and policy for decades. However, in the years since the original Rio conference it has become increasingly apparent that it is difficult to sustain this notion of a single developing world. Within the context of unfolding diversity, a central claim of the present paper is that lumping all countries together under the expansive category of ‘developing’ risks obfuscating the complex challenges, solutions, and fragmented geopolitics of sustainable development. Instead, it is necessary to use the terms developing country, countries, or world far more selectively, mindful that they may conceal just about as much as they reveal. In the paper I proceed to consider a number of alternative national, subnational, and transnational spatial categorisations which might be deployed to better describe and/or analyse the evolving nature, effective governance, and politics of sustainable development challenges across space.