Ideologia e política

The turn of the 21st century saw two important pieces of legislation introduced in Brazil: the Law of Fiscal Responsibility or LFR (2000) and the City Statute (2001). While each law has been celebrated, this article argues that a perversion of their intentions is emerging in practice. The scale and scope of municipal budget composition and allocations in the period studied (1995–2010) give reason to question how these landmark laws are being locally interpreted. Evidence details a disproportionate rise in current expenditures in all state capitals in Brazil since the introduction of the LFR. Further, among state capitals with the largest number of ‘sub-normal agglomerations’, a few key cities show a peculiarly stagnant proportion of expenditures directed towards housing and urbanisation. A case study of São Paulo is presented to explore explanations for these trends and understand what they mean for the direction and control over upgrading investments in that city.

We call into question the growing presence of private security companies (PSCs) in cities throughout the world. Though PSCs have grown enormously in recent decades, there exist few academic analyses to consider their broad-reaching effects. Researchers still have much to understand about the relationships between PSCs and changing patterns of urban development, governance and public security. PSCs are prevalent in both the Global North and South, yet their presence is perhaps most intense in emerging countries, where social inequality is high and public security is tenuous. As such, in this article we draw on specific examples from the city of São Paulo, Brazil, where demand is soaring for private security and PSCs operate in complicated networks between the state, private capital and organised crime. Our analysis draws attention to the paradoxes of urban private security, beginning with the fact that public insecurity is in fact good for PSC business. By reflecting on existing published resources – and making connections across several disciplines – our goals in this article are threefold: (1) to highlight the need for more research on PSCs in urban settings; (2) to draw attention to the ways private security is changing urban space, and; (3) to suggest that the growth of PSCs, rather than being representative of increased public security, may in some cases coincide with rising levels of urban crime and insecurity.

Since re-democratisation, Brazil has experienced a slow but continuous process of urban reform, with the introduction of legal and institutional developments that favour participatory democracy in urban policy. Legal innovations such as the City Statute have been celebrated for expanding the ‘right to the city’ to marginalised populations. While most studies examine the struggles of the urban poor, I focus on middle-class citizens, showing how such legal developments have unevenly affected the ways in which different social groups are able to impact the production of urban space. The two cases explored in this study concern residents’ struggles to preserve their middle-class neighbourhoods against change triggered by projects related to the hosting of the 2014 World Cup in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. The first looks at the Musas Street residents’ fight against the construction of a luxury hotel in their neighbourhood, while the second examines the Pampulha residents’ struggle against the presence of street vendors and football fans in their streets. My findings show that through the articulation of legal discourses, middle-class claims on the need for preserving the environment and the city’s cultural heritage are legitimised by the actions of the local state. The article thus looks beyond neoliberalism, showing that socio-spatial segregation and inequality should not be regarded solely as the product of state–capital alliances for engendering capital accumulation through spatial restructuring, but also as the result of the uneven capacities of those living in the city to access the state resources and legitimise certain forms of inhabitance of urban space.

Emerging from the citizen movements of the early 2010s, New Municipalism merges the administrative capacity of municipal government with the organizational capacities of activists and social movements to build more equal, just and ecological local economies. In these contexts, Digital Municipal Currencies (DMCs) emerge as potent instruments of counter-hegemonic struggle, enabling cities to implement welfare policies and local economic revitalization. However, a trans-local paradox inheres to New Municipalism: how to remain local yet advance broader systemic transformation? This study compares three DMCs in Rio de Janeiro, addressing the paradox by introducing the notion of ‘standardized malleability’. It describes how cities adopt a uniform monetary infrastructure while adapting policies to local contexts, thus balancing local adaptation with trans-local scalability. The study reveals how the temporal dynamics of multi-scalar transformation shape the adoption patterns of DMCs across municipalities – from radical pioneer experiences to more pragmatic implementations – demonstrating that system change occurs through ‘repeated instances’ regardless of ideological orientation. Findings reveal DMCs as promising instruments for urban governance, enabling progressive policies amid financial constraints. However, their long-term viability depends on stable funding sources, prompting discussions on evolving DMC designs to enhance sustainability and wider adoption. The article ends with a reinterpretation of what constitutes ‘the political’ in multi-scalar transformation processes, from ‘radicalism’ to a shift of the boundaries of what is considered possible and the creation of new democratic spaces for co-governance.

This article examines the coexistence of progressive and conservative discourses among Brazil’s urban popular classes, challenging binary interpretations of peripheral mobilisations as either emancipatory or aligned with ‘popular conservatism’. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the periphery of São Paulo and informed by debates on neoliberalism and the rise of the far right, the analysis identifies four progressive and three conservative publics among the urban popular classes. It argues that progressive publics are held together by geographically situated social capital, whereas conservative publics are primarily structured around moral capital.