Interdisciplinar

Small municipalities are key to reducing waste and tackling climate change, but they often struggle to innovate and improve their capacity to deliver public services, especially in developing countries. This article explores how small municipalities can innovate in public service provision despite limited resources. Specifically, we analyzed municipal solid waste management (MSWM), a service typically overseen by municipalities and essential for reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The study is based on a single case: Harmonia, a small Brazilian municipality selected for its exceptional waste recovery performance – the highest in the country – alongside composting and prevention initiatives. Following an economic and environmental assessment of MSWM effectiveness, including GHG emissions, the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) was applied to analyze the political, social, and institutional factors that enabled innovation in Harmonia’s MSWM system. Findings suggest that successful innovation in small municipalities tends to rely on small-scale initiatives that require neither advanced technologies nor major investments. However, this depends on long-term support from a landscape of actors and public policies to scale up and coordinate efforts across departments, overcoming resource limitations. In Harmonia, the effectiveness of prevention actions, home composting, and recycling was rooted in decades of environmental education, social engagement, public awareness, and collaboration with other levels of government. These technological and management efforts led to costs (US$24.40 per inhabitant/year) and emissions (37.02 kg CO2eq per inhabitant) significantly below the national average (US$35.70 and 396.83 kg CO2eq per inhabitant, respectively).

Waste pickers all over the world work innovatively to reduce the environmental footprint of cities as they struggle to meet their critical livelihood obligations. Informed by the case of waste picker organizations (WPOs) this article examines how grassroots initiatives and extreme-niche innovations are created and sustained by mobilizing resources, rationales and relations. The study is informed by a cross-national survey and in-depth interviews with WPOs in Argentina, Brazil, Nicaragua, Kenya and Tanzania, and builds upon theories of grassroots innovation movements. The findings show how operating in contexts of extreme scarcity, these grassroots organisations tap into local resources, e.g. tacit knowledge, economies of affection and other socially embedded institutional resources. Blending material and environmental rationales, contributes to expanding their audiences and to gaining further support. In such deprived urban contexts, radical and cumulative crises and events hindering residents’ livelihoods can paradoxically also spark ingenuity out of necessity, and the transformation of these settings into extreme niches of innovation. Finally, the mobilization of relations through the formation of networks linking WPOs with supportive intermediaries and global circuits of solidarity becomes another fundamental resilience strategy by which WPOs can navigate contested environments and insert their extreme-niche innovations in governmental structures. By simultaneously adopting a broad repertoire of strategies of insertion, contention, and mobilization WPO and their innovations thrive in highly constrained environments. We conclude with reflecting on how ‘extreme’ niches of innovation − at the cracks of the formal city, economy and waste systems − can unleash the creative power of stigmatized, illiterate and neglected grassroots to experiment with new solutions in resource-poor environments.

In this paper, I examine the links between revanchist populism and the labor crisis in Brazil, a country with a stratified labor market where informality is prevalent among low-income, racialized groups. I analyze the struggles of street vendors for accessing urban space in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, where the Worker’s Party (PT) played a key role in evicting vendors from public spaces and criminalizing their activity in the early 2000s. I focus on the connections between this initiative and a more recent “revitalization” policy that displaced street vendors from public spaces in the city center. In this context, I explore the political discourses of displaced workers during the 2018 elections that brought Bolsonaro to power. I show how the eviction stimulated antipetismo (anti-PT sentiment) among street vendors by triggering collective memories and rage against the party that “sold them out.” I argue that street vendors strongly identify as workers but are excluded from the unionized waged workingmen notion central to unions and Latin American left-wing parties. By discussing how street vendors reiterate their position as workers and not criminals, I highlight their identification with a moral notion of worker aligned with Bolsonaro’s conservative anti-crime agenda. I thus argue that support for Bolsonaro among street vendors was stimulated by the shortcomings of Brazil’s urban reform as well as the lack of appropriate policy responses to an increasingly heterogeneous and informalized workforce. I conclude by emphasizing the importance of supporting the collective struggles of non-waged workers as a path beyond revanchist populism.

Cities are promising machines always holding out prospects for better lives, always attempting to guarantee that things will not remain the same and that whatever changes do ensue are for the better. We propose a notion of “promise” not as simply another descriptor in a long line of adjectives about the city. Rather, we argue that the urban institutional landscape constantly generates new promises as way of anticipation, which in turn allows residents to write themselves into select urban operations. This article engages two central districts in Rio de Janeiro and Jakarta to explore how residents “stand by” the promise, not of passive waiting, but as maneuvers of either staying tuned to or as way of tactical detachment from the multiple trajectories which have been conjured up in the here and now. We understand these maneuvers as acts of “minor” future making that rely upon practices and materials that may seem of little use, but which enable a process of incremental small adjustments and collective subversion of urban trajectories of the transitory.

 It is often argued that various forms of illegality persist in the Brazilian Amazon because of weak frontier governance. However, very little is understood about how this governance can be strengthened in the context of social and spatial change in a way that will counter illegality. Drawing on the concept of heterotopias, as discussed by Michel Foucault, and the life history of an illegal logger in an agrarian reform settlement project in the state of Pará, this paper approaches frontier governance by conceptualising the ‘settlement heterotopia’ as a real, lived-in place in which the space that makes up various state and nonstate actors’ sites of action interact and continually rearrange power relations. This rearrangement process may or may not work to legitimise illegality and, therefore, strengthening frontier governance involves a process by which collaborative power relations emerge and residents decide to work with the state instead of alongside illegality.

Os imigrantes bolivianos vivem em uma dupla exclusão: pela diferença e pela pobreza e reagindo através da mobilização na construção de uma nova imagem de si mesmos. Essa nova imagem é gerada através do reconhecimento social via formação de instituições (como a Fraternidade Bolívia Central), na expressão de sua religião via festas devocionais (como a festa de Nossa Senhora de Copacabana e a Virgem de Urkupiña) e a participação nos espaços como a Praça Kantuta, no Canindé e a Igreja Nossa Senhora da Paz, no Glicério. A busca de reconhecimento pode se dar também pela competição econômica, afastamento do grupo e a meta de ser proprietário da própria oficina de costura.

Naquilo que chamamos habitualmente de cotidiano, o que o homem busca? O que pode ter em comum o cotidiano de um empresário, de um professor e de um migrante desempregado? Gostaríamos de ressaltar nestas páginas uma delas: a convivência , o fato que todos os homens, no seu dia-a-dia, interagem entre si. Acreditamos que esta seja uma das coisas mais importantes e centrais na vida do homem. Cotidiano de encontros, de escolhas de entrar ou não em relação, de como responder à exigência do “outro” que está diante de mim. Para estudar a convivência escolhemos uma entre tantas situações-limite do homem: migrantes em um “albergue”, a presença do “outro” não escolhido (não escolheram nem o estar juntos, nem com quem), desconhecido, com hábitos diferentes, um jeito de ser e de pensar diferente.

Antes de tudo, queremos esclarecer que o presente estudo sobre a realidade da migração brasileira que nos propomos expor, é fruto do esforço e dedicação não de uma ou duas pessoas apenas, mas de uma equipe toda de companheiros nossos, que, através de pesquisas e experiências vividas no meio migratório, permitiram a que chegássemos à elaboração deste trabalho.A primeira pesquisa foi realizada em julho e agosto de 1968, pela ferrovia Central do Brasil, desde a estação Roosevelt de São Paulo até Monte Azul, divisa do estado de Minas Gerais com a Bahia. A finalidade desta primeira viagem de estudos foi constatar as situações de viagem dos migrantes e analisar, nos locais de origem, as causas do êxodo. A segunda pesquisa, realizada em julho de 1969, pela Alta Sorocabana, desde a estação Sorocabana de São Paulo até o sudoeste de São Paulo e norte do Paraná, teve por objetivo constatar o problema de integração dos migrantes, nos locais de destino.