Setor informal/Informalidade

This article compares two cases of displacement suffered by informal workers and informal residents in the Brazilian city of Belo Horizonte, both connected to the hosting of the 2014 FIFA World Cup. It asks the following question: considering that the right to work and the right to housing are both enshrined in the Brazilian Constitution, why do claims upon space based on those constitutional rights have different degrees of legitimacy? Two cases are analysed in detail. The first one concerns a group of informal workers displaced from their workspace for the modernization of the local stadium. The second one tells the story of an informal settlement where 90 families were displaced due to the construction of a flyover designed to improve access to the football stadium. This article engages with current postcolonial debates around urban informality, tackling two points that have been absent from these discussions. First, it compares two ways of informally occupying urban space—for work and for housing—revealing the distinct degrees of legitimacy embedded in such practices due to pre-existing institutional arrangements. Second, it emphasizes the connection between work and home through the life strategies and place-making practices of the urban poor.

A majority of people now live in cities. Countries need to accommodate such a rapidly growing urban population, which is often living and working informally, and which is lacking access to decent working and living conditions. By integrating economic promotion policies with social protection instruments public policies not only mitigate the effects of social risks on poverty, particularly in low-income settlements, but also create the necessary conditions to allow the poor to work out of poverty. Some international organizations including the International Labour Office (ILO) consider that low-income countries can afford a basic package of social benefits. In face of growing informalization of the labour force worldwide, universal and targeted social cash transfers to poor people, which are not related to their employment status, are contributing today to curb poverty and reduce inequality in a number of developing countries. But, for poor people in petty jobs, poor housing and living conditions, social and economic rights are indivisible. Case studies show how social protection and local development in urban areas can be combined to achieve progressive universal coverage. These studies provide evidence that workers and families, who need to secure and enhance their vulnerable household economies, can largely benefit from measures that aim to extend further the reach of social protection. A major challenge lies in breaking down the conceptual and administrative barriers that artificially oppose economic development and social protection, in order to reduce the costs of the access to productive and basic social services and remove hurdles to local development in urban areas.

This paper presents the results of an international research project completed by the University of Geneva in partnership the ILO and consultants. This applied research project analyses whether the concept of decent work is known and applied by local authorities in their policy definition and project implementation in the construction sector and related services. This interdisciplinary research project involves a wide-ranging study of documentary sources and four case studies in Bulawayo (Zimbabwe), Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), Santo André (Brazil), and Esmeraldas (Ecuador). This paper briefly summarises the aims and rationale of this research project, the hypothesis tested and key research questions related to it. Then it briefly summarises the findings which clearly show that decent work remains a marginal concept which has not been widely applied at the international, national and local levels. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations for the improved dissemination and application of decent work.

Over the past decade there has been a sudden, extraordinarily large, and simultaneous expansion of multi-billion dollar housing programs in many emerging and developing economies. This shift occurred after a long period of limited public involvement in social housing production. Yet, despite the fact that countries and cities have introduced such large-scale programs, there has been little independent analysis of the rationale, efficacy and potential long-term effects of these interventions. Adopting a perspective that expands beyond typical public finance approaches, this paper examines the renewed shift in public housing provision. It provides an outlook of recent experiences in housing provision, showcases general trends in housing, proposes an evaluation framework, and offers a series of recommendations aiming at strengthening the programs. The paper concludes that if large-scale housing assistance is to help accommodate the almost 2 billion additional people who will live in cities over the next 35 years, as well as help to address the growing housing affordability issues, much more attention should be paid to the lasting effects that such programs can have on the structure of cities for generations to come.

Recently a large data set has been collected for LAC countries, which permits detailed study of household tenure. This data set constitutes the empirical basis of this paper in which the following research questions are addressed: What are the main patterns of urban housing tenure in LAC countries and how and why do they differ? What is the role of household income in determining urban housing tenure? To what extent does the presence of informal housing upset the positive linear relationship between income and tenure that is typically found in developed countries? The paper is organised as follows. The first section offers a brief review of the existing literature on the role of household income and tenure. The methodology employed in the study is explained in the second section and the results are presented in the third section.

More than half of the world's population currently resides in urban areas. In the majority of developing countries slums are a defining part of the urban scape. Their supply with energy, basic infrastructure, among others is one of the main challenges of modern civilizations. To provide an optimal supply, the spatial patterns of slums in cities have to be explored. While most of current literature is focused on inter-urban dynamics, this paper is focused on intra-urban pattern (i.e. the spatial pattern of morphological slums within a city) and its link to the inter-urban ones. Therefore, census and remote sensing data are analyzed to create rank size distributions of morphological slums in different cities of developing countries. The observations were compared to rank size distributions of cities in a respective developing country. It is found that typical inter-urban pattern can be transferred to intra-urban pattern. Surprisingly is the fact that the size of slums is independent from city and global region in the analyzed cities. The slums in Mumbai, Manila, Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town have an average area of 0.016 km2 with a standard deviation of only 0.004 km2 .

The Sustainable development goals (SDG) aim for reducing poverty (SDG 1) and to upgrade all slums (SDG 11). The first indicator in SDG 11 describes the proportion of the urban population residing in slums. However, the currently available data is based on national estimates that follow globally varying methodologies and concepts. In this paper, a uniform approach is implemented to obtain slum population estimates in eight different cities from three continents. The approach relies on earth observation datasets on the spatial extent of the slums and one of the most accepted gridded population dataset: WorldPop. The results shed light on the distribution of population in slums around the world. Nevertheless, the question of the accuracy of these population numbers arises. Therefore, a broad range of literature data containing population counts is gathered for the cities investigated, for varying years and for different spatial scales. The literature data is compared to results obtained by the presented approach. The comparison yields a plausibility assessment for different cities, indicating varying levels of deviation. We find in all cities a clear bias in estimating the slum population - mostly underestimations -, even though some cities reveal a significantly better fit to the data. In conclusion, this study provides a methodology to systematically assess the accuracy of globally available datasets in the context of slums and thereby to highlight the large uncertainties which can empirically be observed.

The spontaneous conversion of formal residential and commercial buildings into high-density, informal housing is a major policy issue in the inner cities of developing countries. Yet there remains little research material to date analysing the residence dynamics, environmental health and related policy implications of this form of settlement. This paper presents and compares findings from two preliminary studies of informal sub-divided housing in the cities of São Paulo, Brazil, and Johannesburg, South Africa. It points to some of the policy implications of the work, in the light of broader debate on the management of informal settlements, and calls for further research examining this housing form within developing countries.

With over half of the world's population living in cities, and with rising consumption, the generation of solid waste has become a ubiquitous and serious problem in urban agglomerations. City administrations are facing social, cultural, environmental, and economic challenges when planning solid waste solutions. The paper discusses the participatory epistemology and methodology experience resulting from inclusive solid waste management in Brazil. In the global South countless informal and organized solid waste collectors are engaged in resource recovery, classification of discarded waste, and redirection of recyclables towards the recycling sector. Their work is mostly unrecognized and the service is not remunerated. Governmental support to include recycling cooperatives in selective waste collection varies significantly in scope and quality. In theory, the Brazilian solid waste management legislation supports recycling cooperatives and promotes avoidance, reuse, and recycling as a primary solution tackling waste. In praxis, however, many challenges towards inclusive resource recovery and awareness building about waste avoidance and diversion are yet to be overcome. Action-oriented, participatory qualitative research, conducted with recycling cooperatives and local governments in the metropolitan region of Sao Paulo, has revealed some of ~ the environmental and social contributions, as well as challenges arising in planning, policy design, and implementation of waste management. The research applies a feminist and post-colonial theoretical lense and demonstrates a wealth of knowledge co-generation on waste management. The participatory method underlines important social aspects to consider in planning and policy design for inclusive waste management. The final conclusion of this paper is that selective household waste collection with recycling cooperatives creates unique opportunities to build more inclusive and cleaner cities.

Slum identification and mapping are fundamental to support public policies. However, slum data is affected by differences in definition, identification, spatial delimitation, sample and data collection periods. This study compares slum maps in Sao Mateus (a peripheral region of Sao Paulo city) from the 2010 demographic census and the Sao Paulo municipal government. The census and the municipal basemaps and orthophotos were overlaid in a Geographic Information System (GIS) to evaluate their similarities and differences, the reasons for inconsistencies between them. Of the 68 districts with subnormal agglomerates (EDSAs; special enumeration districts for slum areas in the Brazilian demographic census), 59% are in the categories ‘high coincidence’ or ‘partial coincidence’ with the perimeters of favelas (the main type of slum in Brazil) delineated by the Sao Paulo municipal government; the names of the residential area (favela/EDSA) are the same in only 51.5% of the subnormal agglomerates, while 26.5% of the EDSAs include residential areas not considered favelas by the municipality. Many Brazilian researchers state that the underestimation of EDSA census data is accentuated by the exclusion of favelas smaller than 51 dwellings from the census. However, at least in Sao Mateus, the exclusion of small favelas (3.6%) was not the only reason for census underestimation of favelas.