Movimentos sociais

This article focuses on the struggle of a group of street vendors in Belo Horizonte, Brazil – displaced in the run up to the 2014 World Cup – to claim back their traditionally occupied workspace. Their displacement dramatically ruptured their pursuit of dignified livelihoods in the city’s informal economy. Using prolonged ethnography between 2014 and 2016, I describe how the workers engaged with an affective governance regime in which narrow avenues of negotiation are opened but promises are never kept, generating a constant state of unpredictability and possibility. This cycle of hope and frustration demobilises their resistance movement while their charismatic leader struggles to produce and maintain the hope that they might achieve relocation. This labour of hope keeps their association alive but also generates frustration and further demobilisation. The article foregrounds the ambiguous role played by hope in the life of political movements and their everyday relationships with states.

Este artigo propõe analisar a articulação entre as esferas de poder local e o poder público, a partir de uma descrição etnográfica da organização social e de como, nesta, se estrutura a autoridade política local. Nesse processo de construção da autori­dade local, na praia do Aventureiro, Ilha Grande - RJ, o poder político e a autoridade le­gitimada pelos moradores estão diretamente ligados à posse dos barcos e dos campings mais prósperos. Os donos de barco no Aventureiro assumem, nesse contexto, o papel de representantes legítimos do povoado na negociação com órgãos da Prefeitura e do Esta­do, na defesa dos direitos dos moradores, assumindo um papel de representação da or­ganização doméstica (em famílias e grupos vicinais) nas relações políticas com o Estado.

This article explores how two community-led newspapers in Maré and Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, promoted social resilience in their respective favelas during the first 6 months of COVID-19. We reviewed stories published in both newspapers and interviewed a sample of their journalists to investigate the newspapers’ responses to the pandemic’s effects, government policies (or lack thereof), and resident reactions to evolving virus-related risks during our study period. We employed Keck and Sakdapolrak’s social resilience framework to examine our data and found that the newspapers contributed significantly to the resilience of both communities during our study period. Contrary to the neoliberal view of resilience as self-reliance, these newspapers sought instead to encourage sustained collective agency and to challenge oppressive governance through generative activities and advocacy. Our findings deepen understanding of the role of community-organized activities in marginalized populations’ struggles to assert their right to the city, particularly during crises.

Why do local governments produce redistributive urban policies, particularly in cities of the Global South? Present debates oscillate between highlighting these cities’ governmental problems or sustaining the enabling role of institutionalized social participation. From the standpoint of São Paulo, Brazil, this article shows a different picture. The trajectories of 27 redistributive urban programs follow a conflictive and incremental expansion and diversification of redistributive policies through time. Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) techniques indicate that program creation usually happened in left-wing administrations. Most of them were maintained after government swings, although at lower pace, due mainly to the pressure of political competition, but also on account of multi-level politics and policy routinization. Even previously discontinued programs tended to reemerge later, due to the embeddedness of civil society actors in policy communities and multi-level politics. Therefore, trajectories were explained by a combination of partisan politics and median voter mechanisms with policy production processes and actors.

The global call for inclusive cities suggests that all residents should have equal access to the benefits of urban life. Across cities, however, displacement and lack of affordable housing segregate urban residents and limit their access to power, resources, and opportunities. Though social movement literature has long assessed how movements influence officials for reform from the outside, scholars of governance argue that civil society must act from the inside to achieve political and territorial inclusion. Here I ask whether movements confronting removals in São Paulo implement direct strategies and, if so, what are the factors that shape why movements choose direct over indirect strategies. I find that an ideology based on rights encourages direct strategies, but a radical perspective or a weak relationship with the state instead pushes movements toward activities that promote indirect influence. Networking across movements is key for increasing the capacity of movements to access new democratic institutions.

A realidade dos movimentos sociais é bastante dinâmica e nem sempre as teorizações têm acompanhado esse dinamismo. Com a globalização e a informatização da sociedade, os movimentos sociais em muitos países, inclusive no Brasil e em outros países da América Latina, tenderam a se diversificar e se complexificar. Por isso, muitas das explicações paradigmáticas ou hegemônicas nos estudos da segunda metade do século XX necessitam de revisões ou atualizações ante a emergência de novos sujeitos sociais ou cenários políticos. Este estudo busca, inicialmente, uma compreensão acerca da nova configuração da sociedade civil organizada, explicitando os múltiplos tipos de ações coletivas do novo milênio. A partir desta compreensão, busca-se explorar a diversidade identitária dos sujeitos, a transversalidade nas demandas por direitos, as formas de ativismo e de empoderamento através de articulações em rede e, finalmente, a participação política das organizações em rede.

On the same October day in 2009 that the International Olympic Committee announced the 2016 Summer Olympics would be held in Rio de Janeiro, the mayor of Rio de Janeiro announced that Vila Autódromo — a fairly small favela in the west part of the city, crowded between a lagoon, an automobile racetrack, and a busy highway, and ultimately the Olympic Park — would be removed as part of the infrastructure plan designed to prepare the city for the Games. This article examines the case of Vila Autódromo, and the resistance of favela residents to being forcibly removed from their community, to provide insight into the sources of opposition and resistance to urban development. The practice of force devictions in the name of urban development will be explored as a manifest form of marginalization in the context of Olympic development. Rather than concealing urban problems, urban spectacles such as the Olympics serve to highlight social inequalities and display highly contradictory urban representations that can spawn agendas of resistance that serve to complicate elite redevelopment agendas and divide progrowth coalitions.