Processos de urbanização

Comprehensive work on the urban and social transformation that took place over the four centuries of São Paulo’s existence. The author points to the crucial moment of local urban growth, the 19th century, between two literary (or cultural) movements in the history of São Paulo: Romanticism and Modernism.

This dissertation traces the state-directed agricultural migration of 200,000 Japanese farmers to rural Brazil in the 1920s and 30s. From its origins in late nineteenth century Japanese interpretations of German economic and colonial theory to its end in the mid-1930s under the populist Estado Novo government of Brazilian dictator Getúlio Vargas, my research connects this migration scheme to nation-state and empire-building projects in Japan and Brazil. Using Japanese, Portuguese, and English-language sources from archives in Japan, Brazil, and the United States, it argues that this state-directed migration scheme was an attempt by Japanese and Brazilian intellectuals and policymakers to use international migration to solve the crises of rural labor that stemmed from rapid industrialization and econmic development. Japanese policymakers believed that their surplus agricultural labor could be settled in isolated Brazilian nucleos, where daily life for settlers was still dominated by Japanese cultural and government institutions. Japanese emigrants in Brazil saw themselves as imperial subjects performing service for a Japanese settler colonial project, and Japanese state institutions continued to define their everyday lives. Japanese government-produced guidebooks and migrants’ own writings in Brazil’s Japanese-language newspapers reveal how the unique circumstances of state-directed migration blurred the distinctions between migrants and colonists. In Brazil, the Japanese found themselves trapped between two competing visions of the Brazilian nation. They owed their existence there to the loose federalism of the Old Republic (1889–1930) that allowed individual Brazilian states to set their own immigration policies. Under the terms of the 1891 Brazilian Constitution, wealthy Southern states, like São Paulo, could offer land concessions to foreign immigration companies without federal oversight, meaning they were free to enact racial preferences for immigrant labor at the expense of the country’s poorer, racially-mixed citizens in the Northeast. However, when the Old Republic fell in the 1930 Brazilian Revolution, the Japanese community quickly became a racialized symbol of the old political order’s regional political and economic inequality. Influenced by new fascist governments in Europe and anti-immigrant sentiment that had swept the Western Hemisphere, the Getúlio Vargas-led Provisional Government redefined national identity and redistributed political power. Furthermore, Vargas’s expansion of participatory politics in the early 1930s merged a strain of nativism with his efforts to erase São Paulo’s regional dominance. His government limited the economic rights of non-citizens in 1932 and introduced the first national immigration policy, a strict quota, in 1934. Through an analysis of Brazilian constitutional theory and the debates surrounding the country’s first national immigration policy—which was written directly into the 1934 Brazilian Constitution—my research demonstrates how regional competition motivated and racialized Brazilian immigration policy at the expense of the country’s Japanese community. As neither Europeans nor Brazilians, the Japanese found themselves victims to more powerful political and racial ideologies in 1930s Brazil. In response to nativist efforts to close Japanese language schools in 1935 and 1936, the Japanese government attempted unsuccessfully to intervene on the community’s behalf. When news of the restrictions on Japanese Brazilian life reached Japan, the Japanese government used it to further justify its withdrawal from the international community and ramp up its colonial efforts in Manchuria. By 1937, when the Japanese settlement experiment came to an end, both the Japanese government and the Japanese in Brazil had already shifted their gaze to Manchuria as the preferred destination for surplus Japanese farmers, and Japanese government officials applied many of the same organizational techniques to facilitate agricultural emigration to Japan’s East Asian colonies.

A feasibility study of the automobile and truck transportation routes across the geographic terrain of the inland mountains between Rio and São Paulo. Laid in is a collection of maps showing the routes (past and present) over the terrain.

During most of the nineteenth century, coffee production in Brazil was centered along the Paraíba Valley in the Province of Rio de Janeiro. By the last decade of the century, following closely upon the abolition of slavery in 1888, and the proclamation of the Republic, in 1889, the center of coffee production had shifted to the virgin soils of the interior, or "West" of São Paulo. Involved in this transition was a transfer of capital and human resources from Paraíba Valley to new areas like Ribeirão Preto where conditions rendered investments of time and capital more profitable.

As its title indicates, this dissertation deals with the transition to coffee in São Paulo before 1914 through a case study of the state's most prominent município, or county. The work is divided into three parts, an analysis of which will indicate those subjects treated most thoroughly. Part one, The Foundations of Development, deals with the situation of the município before the advent of coffee, and includes sections on soil quality, climatic conditions, and pre-coffee economic activity. This part also includes consideration of the special characteristics of coffee cultivation in Brazil, and the surge of railroad building into the coffee-growing regions after 1870. Part two, The Coming of Age, 1880-1902, discusses the transition to coffee in Ribeirão Preto, including the gradual substitution of slave by free immigrant labor from Europe, the factors of agricultural and municipal development, and the employment of capital and labor. Part three, Productivity and Change, 1902-1914, deals primarily with the effects of the overproduction of coffee, and the valorization plan of 1906 which initiated the price-protection phase of Brasil's coffee economy. The economic imbalance caused by this crisis of overproduction brought on social unrest which is studied through several strikes of agricultural laborers in the município. A final chapter places Riberão Preto within the roteiro do café (itinerary ot coffee) and assesses its value as a case study from which to view general trends during the period.

Local archives and newspapers constituted the major source of information on events in Ribeirão Preto. Census data and statistical materials issued by various government agencies were used extensively for population, immigration, and coffee production figures. A wide range of secondary works was also consulted.

In this essay, the main aim is to reconstruct a social history of the development of capitalism and the expansion of capitalists in the municipio and county-seat of Matriz, a "moving frontier" within the Greater Sao Paulo region. While reflecting changing conditions in the world economy and different phases in national political and economic development, the societal transformations of Matriz were directly subordinated to and dependent upon the societal transformations of the city of Sao Paulo, Brazil's most important metropolis. The sequence of economic phases in Matriz--the flourishing and decline of small scale agriculture, its gradual replacement by commercial agriculture and charcoal production, the proliferation of petty capitalist small factories and, later, the expansion of real estate activities--was related to different trends in the capitalist evolution of the city of Sao Paulo. For that reason, the setting of this social history extended beyond the municipio to include the city itself. I relate the wider framework of political economy to the analysis of small-scale interpersonal interactions with the objective of bringing to the fore the significance of peripheral economic entrepreneurs and elites for the maintenance of a stratified political order and for the development of capitalism. Throughout this essay, I recurrently demonstrate how, within a context of societal constraints, successive generations of petty bourgeois economic entrepreneurs and elites of Matriz systematically used their very subordination and alliances to national and Sao Paulo elites as well as their own positions of local dominance to advance economically. Whereas their actions, interactions and inactions as well as existing situational "channels of opportunity" were circumscribed by evolving national policies and the specific societal transformation of Matriz, they invariably used the municipio as a power domain in order to gain personal profits. In different historical periods, State and Church were the major institutional structures in the municipio. Access to institutional politics and to positions with the Roman Catholic Church functioned as major assets for career advancement and upward mobility. By maneuvering within the bounds of institutional politics, the Church and voluntary and interpersonal relationships (such as kinship, fictive kinship, patron-client ties and action-set mobilization), successive generations of leading petty bourgeois citizens continually wrestled to control Matriz' governmental machinery, exercise command over the local population, accumulate land and obtain civil service jobs for themselves and their political supporters. By these means, they tried to gain at least partial access to the centers of institutionalized political and economic power and, at the same time, prevent others from attaining the same goals. Since their support of the established political order enabled them to accumulate captial, they contributed to and took advantage of political and economic development and ultimately were transformed from petty economic entrepreneurs into capitalists.

A dissertação analisa os escritos propagados por Ernestina Lesina, imigrante socialista italiana, cuja atuação política consistiu precipuamente em defender a causa das mulheres operárias mediante a participação no debate de ideias, estimulado pelo Anima e Vita, jornal que dirigia. A investigação restaura o universo de tensões vivido na cidade de São Paulo no início do século XX, momento de urbanização intensa e estruturação do sistema fabril, acompanhado pela disseminação das ideias políticas e a gênese das lutas operárias. Recompondo o cenário da imprensa feminina, feminista e operária, privilegiou-se a análise do semanário Anima e Vita, observando a circularidade de seus discursos e a valorização de temas como compreensão das mulheres de seu papel histórico, anticlericalismo, amor livre, casamento, educação, trabalho e maternidade/família. Os artigos de Ernestina Lesina delineiam um perfil do ideário socialista a cuja propagação ela se dedicou, enfatizando a conscientização das mulheres e a importância fundamental de lutarem pelos seus direitos.

O presente trabalho busca perceber a presença e as experiências dos vendedores ambulantes, na cidade de São Paulo, entre 1890-1910, período de significativas transformações na capital paulista, como o fim da escravidão, a introdução do regime republicano e o crescimento populacional advindo principalmente da imigração. Analisa-se como os ambulantes conviveram com o processo de modernização da cidade, destacando-se os aspectos referentes à sua participação no abastecimento de gêneros de primeira necessidade; a sua relação com as novas normas estabelecidas pela prefeitura, como, por exemplo, a cobrança de impostos e de alvarás de licença, que legitimavam a atividade ambulante. Analisam-se também as relações e os conflitos entre os vendedores ambulantes e outros sujeitos, entre eles: os fregueses, os comerciantes concorrentes e o fisco. Percebe-se, nessa análise, que os vendedores ambulantes podem ser vistos em uma perspectiva que ultrapassa a ideia de marginalidade, pois permanecem na cidade, de forma intensa, com seu trabalho, mesmo que, algumas vezes, sejam observados com desprezo.

O presente estudo tem o objetivo de compreender melhor a historicidade do processo de urbanização da cidade de São Paulo, tendo como base as alterações arquitetônicas e a experiência de trabalhadores da construção civil envolvidos neste processo. Neste sentido, a abordagem histórica da substituição da técnica arquitetônica, bem como os tipos de trabalhadores empregados pode nos revelar o cotidiano de sujeitos pouco presentes na historiografia tradicional.

The study was conducted to search first, for factors that would explain the mobilization and collective actions of the textile workers of Sao Jose dos Campos, state of Sao Paulo (Brazil), in the years 1956-1964 and, second, to understand how the political environment had helped shape the workers' militancy in this period. The analysis was informed by a theoretical approach that combined a causal model of constraints on collective actions and struggle for power (interaction with the government and other members in the polity) with a purposive model stressing the contenders' internal structure (interests, organization, mobilization) in its effects on the capacity to act. The micro and macrodynamics of development of organizational ties among the textile workers were explored by focusing on some aspects of class formation as related to the processes of urbanization and industrialization of Sao Jose dos Campos, and on the sharpening of their grievances as a result of the post World War II cycles of the textile industry in Brazil. The specific design was to look at that group of workers over time (from the more quiescent years pre-1957 to the militant years 1957-1964) searching for differentials in those variables affecting collective actions, with special emphasis on the links between workers' cohesion and protest, as they were affected by the liberalism of the populist regimes in the period covered by the study. The thesis explores the social bases of workers' solidarity both in the sense of evolving group structures and networkings, and of the emergence of a shared social identity among the workers as related to residential patterns (highly segregated workers' neighborhoods) and migratory patterns (stressing the common geographical origins of migrant workers). It also examines the influence of shop floor grievances and of the breakdown of paternalism in industrial relations on the workers' mobilization for protest, and the impact of the fluctuations in the standard of living on workers' propensity to join concerted actions. The study criticises the assumptions of apathy of the working classes, as found in formulations of the theories of populism, and suggests the need to focus on organizational processes.