Fluxos populacionais e migrações

A cidade de São Paulo passou por processo imigratório que resultou em uma diversidade cultural perceptível, e num olhar mais atento também em suas práticas gastronômicas. Os espanhóis vieram em duas grandes ondas imigratórias: no final do século XIX início do XX para substituir a mão de obra escrava nas lavouras de café e no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1946) e Guerra Civil Espanhola, (1936-1939), para atuar no Parque Industrial que se formava e necessitava profissionais especializados. Os espanhóis não deixaram marcas e permanências evidentes na cidade de São Paulo, como os demais grupos de imigrantes, principalmente no que se refere à sua cozinha, tanto nas famílias de descendentes, como no número exíguo de seus restaurantes. A gastronomia enquanto manifestação cultural, memória, e identidade constitui o último hábito que um grupo abandona quando emigra, por estar arraigado aos costumes e ao gosto. A alimentação sofre adaptações ou substituições de ingredientes no país de recepção. Esta dissertação tem como objeto o estudo das permanências e silêncios dos espanhóis da segunda onda imigratória, quanto aos costumes alimentares, no período de 1946 a 1965.

This dissertation analyzes the artistic expression and exploration of Brazilian urban reality in the short stories of Dyonelio Machado, Antonio de Alcantara Machado, and Mario de Andrade. The authors' fictional portrayal of the urban environment of the 1920's and 1930's is compared with the social reality of Porto Alegre and Sao Paulo, their cities of residence. The themes, narrative strategies, and stylistic and linguistic elements of the short stories which constitute or enhance their urban nature are examined. An analysis is presented of the authors' differing perspectives on the societal ramifications of Brazil's emergence as a modern urban nation, as revealed in their short story sequences. The presentation of the social reality of Porto Alegre and Sao Paulo in this study is based on census data and social science research. The thematic and stylistic analysis of the short stories is founded on insights gleaned from the works of several critics of the genre. This eclectic approach is designed to achieve coherent investigation of all components of the narratives which form their urban character. Chapter one presents a socioeconomic, demographic, and cultural sketch of Porto Alegre, and the provincial capital's fictional representation in the short stories of Dyonelio Machado. Chapter two analyzes his narratives, heretofore ignored by critics. Chapter three provides a synopsis of Sao Paulo's development as a metropolis, and describes the city, its population, and its cultural environment in the period in question. Chapter four first discusses Antonio de Alcantara Machado's fictional portrayal of Sao Paulo, and then analyzes the role of the city in his short stories. Chapter five presents Mario de Andrade's recreation of Sao Paulo as a setting for his short stories, and examines the author's urban perspective in his narratives.

This study is about thirty migrant Afro-Brazilian families in Sao Paulo and New York and the kin and social networks within which they conduct their lives. It focuses on a process that has received little attention from social scientists analyzing the kinship patterns of any migrant urban population: namely, the development and maintenance of domestic groups as well as their change over time. Since urban researchers investigating the effects of mass migration on the ethnics or nationals who make up this migrant population have tended to view this process only in terms of polarity, as either "destructive" or "positive", and to overlook behavioral variability within migrant groups and change as well, my major objective in this study is to present a more balanced account of Afro-Brazilian families: to document stable as well as "chaotic" periods in a family's life cycle, to show behavioral variability as well as conformity, and explain social change. Thus, the dissertation spans several decades in the life cycle of Afro-Brazilian families. It begins in Casa Verde, the research site in Brazil, explaining how this area developed within the context of urbanization in Sao Paulo. Later, it is centered around married couples, the progenitors of the family explaining how they came together and made their way to Sao Paulo. It focuses on the structure of these families during the reproductive years, defining the conceptual boundaries of the family or kin group, and depicts the structural forms characteristic of domestic groups in Casa Verde. Then, focusing on organizational aspects of domestic life, it explains how social relationships are structured by analyzing marriage and the range of domestic relationships found in the community. Lastly, in the concluding chapters of the dissertation, turning to the family during its dispersal and renewal phases, I show how families are restructured when adult offspring leave home and migrate to other areas in Brazil or the United States.

The purpose of this study was: (1) to describe the present ethnic situation of the Italian immigrants who participate in some type of voluntary ethnic association in the city of S ao Paulo, Brazil; and (2) to analyze the expressive culture used in the manifestation of their Italianita, the Italian ethnic identity. The basic methodology used was an ethnographic study carried on during the months of October of 1985 to February of 1986, consisting of interviews, life-histories, questionnaires, and participant-observations of the events held by the Italian community. In addition, an extensive review of literature covered the historical context of immigration in Brazil. The community was described in terms of its social and political organizations, i.e., how it operates within the pluralistic society of S ao Paulo. To function, the community supports committees and associations; has a specific clientele, i.e., Italian immigrants from the post-World War II period, who present a strong feeling of Italianita, albeit being assimilated into Brazilian culture; and presents dance and music as major factors of its vernacular expression. However, no folk dance was found as significant for the community, except for the Tarantella, which has become a symbol of Italianita when in fact it may be appealing for its characteristic rhythm. Folk music, on the other hand, was found as the strongest element to the expression of this community, mainly for the traditional group. In fact, the community is divided into two factions, the traditional and the modern, many times conflictive in their ideals. The main conclusions were that Italians are not unique as an ethnic group, i.e., they follow the same attitudinal and behavioral patterns as do other ethnic groups; ethnicity is individual and situational and consequently the degree of assimilation should not correlate with the degree of ethnicity, and both should not correlate with participation in ethnic associations. Although not manipulative outside the group's boundaries, ethnicity is manipulated inside the groups, mainly by the prominenti, as a means of achieving power and control. Because of the strong assimilational phenomenon that occurs in S ao Paulo, the future tendency of the Italian community is to disappear unless a subsequent generation takes charge in reviving this particular culture.

The historical formation of organized domestic workers stems from the way in which Brazilian democracy is constituted against and how the state relates to society. The cities are not only the backdrops against which the unions form, but also the site of how the interrelationships among the state, labor and various forms of inequality emerge. My case studies of domestic workers' organizing in Brasília, São Paulo, and Salvador show a particular silence in the way in which inclusive policies for representation and accountability have emerged in Brazil over the course of its democratic development and the subsequent myths around race, class and labor arise. During major political events in late 19th and 20th century Brazil including the abolition of slavery, lapsed democracy during periods of authoritarian rule, the Comprehensive Labor Code of 1942, labor reforms of the 1970s and the 1988 democratic constitution, domestic workers were formally excluded from the rights of other workers. My dissertation is rooted in the following question: how is it that marginalized groups sustain a consciousness of political rights when the state has historically been unwilling to provide them? Unlike singular issues of labor, racial discrimination, or gendered exclusion, of which there is substantial literature on each category, but none of which that treats all of them simultaneously, the lengthy silence on domestic workers makes clear the difficulties of the state and academics to confront multi-layered questions of race, gender and labor in Brazilian democratic politics.

This paper investigates the absence of racial public policy in Brazil during the First Republic. Using secondary sources, this paper looks at economic competition and conflict between black and immigrant labor in the state of Sao Paulo and tests the applicability of the split labor market theory of ethnic antagonism–a theory used in explaining the development of ethnic conflict into racial public policy. Such conflict has been a primary factor in the development of racial public policies such as those found in the United States and South Africa. The political organization of black Brazilians and immigrant (primary Italian) groups is also analyzed to discover whether or not these groups would have been capable of translating their economic goals into race-based public policy. The thesis suggests that there was little competition in many areas, and that even where there was little competition, neither group had sufficient political capacity to successfully push for exclusionary public policies based on race.

Based on ethnographic field research conducted in the summer of 2014, this thesis explores how Bolivian migrants garner rights and recognition in São Paulo, Brazil. By performing a Bolivian ethnonational identity in São Paulo public space, migrants reflect municipal government priorities of social inclusion and multiculturalism to emerge as meritorious citizens. Alongside cultural displays, migrants leverage new institutional channels of political participation to negotiate their relationship with São Paulo municipal and Bolivian state representatives. Chapter One explores the two dominant spaces associated with Bolivian migration in São Paulo — the garment workshop and the weekly ethnic market of Praça Kantuta. Chapter Two analyzes the intersection between Bolivian cultural celebrations and migrant political agendas. Through the ethnic market and cultural celebrations, Bolivian migrant elites emerge as representatives of a Bolivian collectivity, paper over intra-community class dynamics, and divert attention from exploitative labor practices in the garment industry. Chapter Three analyzes emigrant claims-making of Bolivian state representatives following the extension of emigrant voting rights in the 2009 Constitution of the Plurinational State of Bolivia.

This dissertation tests three causal models of lynch mob violence in an effort to better understand the social forces that lead to the rise and decline of this behavior. Specifically, I conduct a national case study of lynching in Brazil and focus upon three structural causal models of Latin American lynch mob violence: lynching as a result of economic frustration, lynching as a response to threats by the "dangerous classes" (racial groups, interstate immigrants, and the landless); and lynching as a form of "street justice." Using occurrence data systematically gathered by the University of São Paulo's Center for the Study of Violence (USP/NEV) on lynching in the state of São Paulo for the last two decades of the twentieth century, I use time series regression analysis to compare and test these explanations. Additionally, I make use of cases studies in order to further understand the nature of Brazilian lynchings on a micro-level. All evidence taken together, the analyses suggest that lynching in Brazil is best characterized as street justice---a collective violent action by community members against alleged criminals or deviants under social circumstances where crime is epidemic and police-citizen relations are tenuous due to police corruption, violence against citizens, sweeps of poorer neighborhoods, a war-on-crime ideology, and police vigilantism-for-pay during the transition to democracy. In this setting, lynching is primarily reactive in nature, constrained by the availability of suspects apprehended by the mobs without regard to race or class. In the final chapter I use the comparative method to juxtapose lynching in contemporary São Paulo (1980 to 2000) with lynching in the Postbellum U.S. South (1880-1930). This analysis reveals two necessary components for a society to be prone to large-scale use of lynching. First, for lynching to occur on a large scale, hegemony ideology in the society must depict certain groups as threats worthy of violence---blacks in the Postbellum U.S. South and a "criminal class" in contemporary São Paulo. Second, hegemony must characterize the law as lacking legitimacy in regards to these threat groups.